Night Attack on Cameroon’s 2011 presidential candidate: Was it an attempt to eliminate Hon Ayah Paul?

By Christopher Ambe

Hon. Ayah Paul

Hon.Ayah Paul Abine ,who  ran for Cameroon’s 2011 presidential election under the platform of People’s Action Party(PAP) and emerged in the sixth position  last October 22, between 2 and  3 AM  had his fenced residence  in Buea attacked by hoodlums.

    The hoodlums who were trying to break into the residence through the main gate only escaped in their vehicle when they heard the sound of another vehicle, carrying PAP members whom Hon.Ayah had alerted about the attack, fast approaching the scene. Also alerted, armed policemen in two police vehicles, The Recorder gathered, also arrived 30 minutes after the escape of the attackers.

     It is not clear whether it was a gang of assassins or burglars especially as Hon Ayah had before complained about anonymous threats on his life.

      But critical observers of Cameroon’s political scene have quickly dismissed the claim that the attackers  came for money, arguing that it is public knowledge (both nationally and internationally) that Hon.Ayah has gone past one year without monthly salary even as he is yet to go on retirement in two years time. A few Months ago the media widely reported the plight of Hon Ayah without payment.

Hon.Ayah, a former Member of Cameroon’s National Assembly for ten years, is currently the Secretary-General of People’s Action Party (PAP) and an iconic critic of the Biya Regime.

     This career magistrate of exceptional class despite returning to the Ministry of Justice from Parliament has had his salary withheld without explanation from the Cameroon Government. He only survives now thanks to support from his family.

Following is Hon Ayah’s write-up about  the attack on his residence:

 ATTACK ON HON AYAH’S RESIDENCE

    Hon ayah went to bed unusually early at 1.30 AM on the morning of October 22, 2014, when internet had failed. He most likely fell asleep half an hour later at 2 AM. His wife nudged him about 2.30 and Ayah awoke to loud strikes against the main gate to the compound. He immediately put on the security lights as the dog was racing round and barking fiercely. Ayah went on to call a number of people, reporting that his family was under attack.

   Calls began to flow in from far and near, including the Northwest Region. Within the half hour, several members of ayah’s political party – PAP – were at the compound together with three armed policemen in uniform from the Central Police station of Buea. After hearing sideAyah out, the policemen left, promising to keep some of their elements around. PAP members and some neighbours stayed on till after 4 AM.

     Some neighbours recounted this morning that the attackers first came in a car which they parked some distance at the upper end of ayah’s compound. They moved on to the compound on foot and split into two groups of two men each. The group attacking the compound comprised one huge man and another of average size. The other group took cover at Musole valley, waiting for the gate to be ripped open … When the security lights were turned on, the two groups sped off in different directions …

     The morning has been rife with speculations as to the object of the attack. Thieves never attack until they have had dependable information about the availability and quantum of some possible booty. As a parliamentarian for eleven years, Ayah had kept 8 million francs a year for some period for micro projects. And CRTV sang songs about the payment of the money weeks before and weeks after payment. At no one time was Ayah attacked by thieves. How would thieves attack Ayah after the widely circulated publications that ayah is in the 13th month today without a salary?

    Another puzzle is that Ayah’s son’s residence was burgled in Yaounde in broad daylight on October 2, 2014, with the thieves taking and carrying away everything, including his children’s school equipment, cooking pots and cutlery. What rare coincidence would it be that some three weeks later thieves would come to burgle Ayah’s residence in Buea? That thieves have suddenly awaken to the existence and richness of the Ayahs?

Only a question! Glory to God on high!

Governor Okalia Bilai: Epitome of jungle justice in Cameroon

By Asonganyi Tazoacha 

Southwest Governor Bernard Okalia Bilai/Recorder Cmr

At least, over in Yaounde, our God-send, Grande-camarade-bis, goes around noisily, with drones of excited security agents always present to keep the rest of us at bay. The impunity that usually reigns within the ranks of the excited security charges is indescribable.  Power is centred around one point in Cameroon - around one man; it is not like neighbouring Nigeria where power is effectively decentralized, and each centre of power at the state, the local council or even the village level – Governor, Council Chairman, Chief – goes around noisily with their own escorts, and convoys.

    If it were so in Cameroon, Dieudonne Meh, a truck driver in Buea, would not have suffered the humiliation he is said to have suffered in the hands of Okalia Bilai – Governor of the South West Region – because he would have seen, heard, and known that the big-man was coming, and given way as is usually done in Yaounde.
       No doubt, as a driver in Yaounde, I usually feel that if I had the “power,” I would descend from my car and cane some drivers before I arrogantly climb back into my car and drive off. But those are just feelings which are supposed to be impotent – contained and constrained – under the rule of law, whatever “power” I have. The humiliation of Dieudonne Meh by Okalia Bilai is a metaphor for how the rule of law is daily mocked and diminished on a daily basis in Cameroon, debasing us all to a jungle where the unconstrained raw feelings of the powerful take over from the rule of law.
      Ask Michel Djotodia about the undisciplined forces he took into Bangui; he may be honest to tell you that his “boys” took the law into their own hands and carried out self-serving “justice.” It resulted in a reaction that led to the collapse of the state, and the whole nation – in broad daylight! Ask Dominique Strauss Khan about what is meant by the law being the religion of America; if he is honest, he will tell you what befell him when he tried to act like a big-man there! Our own souls are still troubled by the disquieting news about Guérandi Mbara – news that further saps the credibility of our justice system; and here comes Okalia Bilai who is supposed to enforce the rule of law, adding insult to injury. All because of our Orwellian “liberty laws” – the ‘fifteen-days-renewable’ of administrators; Dieudonne Meh must be a “bandit” – like it or not!
       We ordinary people need more respect than administrators usually show us in Cameroon. Some human beings – administrators and some of us - are usually vain, trotting around with bloated egos; others are usually fallible, weak-willed, and lack competence. In spite of these, societies usually live in harmony because the law corrects these weaknesses and compensates for the indecency of morality. The omnipotence of the judiciary gives it an authority that surpasses all other levels of power – even in some banana republics.
       This is why the legal system, through lawsuits, is usually used to bring about social change. Every law has a purpose and a mischief it is intended to address. It is usually the interaction of the law with society that brings about effective civil liberties. What is usually described as plural and democratic society is founded on the rights of the individual.  These rights can only be realized by all individuals in society together. The judicial system cannot do its job of promoting social justice well without the initiatives of a population habituated to freedom. The common disposition of the men and women in a society, and what lies in their hearts that guides the behavior of people like Okalia Bilai, or the response of society to such behavior, defines freedom in a society.
      True, the adversarial process and the rules and rituals in courtrooms may usually obscure reality. The enclosed world of the courtroom where judges wear black robes, lawyers wear Whigs, and witnesses are sworn to tell the truth, may indeed make it difficult to discern reality. After all, the rules of evidence in court are different from the rules of science, since doubt or uncertainty is treated differently in the two worlds. In spite of this, it is mainly the settlement of disputes that maintains the sanity and solidarity of society.
      The absence of rights and freedoms is still our lot in Cameroon. The much hope that was generated by what was announced as the civil procedure code has since been betrayed, and things have settled down to what they have always been. In the end, what counts is not the rules and procedures on paper; it is the thousands of small and big deeds by people like Okalia Bilai that go unnoticed or unaddressed that count for much of the backwardness of our society. The sanity and solidarity of each society is the handiwork of people – their daily acts of commission and omission, small and big.

Cameoon:Guérandi Mbara and 1984

By Tazoacha Asonganyi in Yaounde

      It is not difficult to design a thought experiment, pondering what would happen if 1984 in Cameroon were today, not 30 years ago. Hindsight has a way of clarifying the past, and would make the result of such an experiment edifying.

      Guérandi Mbara was a principal actor in a key event in 1984. If one were to go by the rumour about his capture and elimination, and the cold blooded, casual reaction of the Biya regime, it would be irrefutable proof that the regime seems to glorify its past, pride in its present, and look forward to an unchangeable future! This would be a tragic scenario for Cameroon, to say the least.

     A classic Cameroonian understatement is, “not bad.” This is offered in response to casual social enquiries like, how are you, and many others. Yet, for a long time, we are aware that it is not good! Since the tragic events of 1984, there has been a deep feeling of a great divide in the country’s conscience, caused by the action of one national group that had just left the helm of the state, and the overreaction of another that had just ascended to the helm. There has always been an overwhelming feeling that for the good of the country’s future, we need forgiveness and reconciliation. And we all knew who and what to forgive, which made the task relatively easy. If Guérandi’s alleged capture and execution is true, it would confirm the saying that forgiveness is usually harder to summon than the desire to settle old scores.

    Of course, society as a whole shares responsibility for the leadership, culture, and environment it has.  How the policeman does his work, how the teacher performs in the classroom, what laws come from the elected legislator, how much the rule of law holds sway, and much more, all have influence over our lives and that of the future of our society. We may all have individual guilt, citizen guilt, moral guilt, or metaphysical guilt; in the end, national solidarity renders each of us co-responsible for all the wrongs and all the injustices in the country, especially for crimes which took place in our presence or of which we are aware. This is why the casual response of the regime to the “rumour” about Guérandi is abhorrent.

     For sure, artists see the world differently. So too do journalists. So too do politicians. So too do many others. After all, even the Judeo-Christian Bible, and the Quaran are open to different interpretations, but most of the time, this leads to peaceful co-existence, even if we are today exposed to the banality of evil that individual human beings can come to represent. In spite of that, politics requires that we enter into negotiation with such evil men - and we do - for the sake of national solidarity, national security, and national prestige. Politics is the art of confronting difficult choices, and of reaching legitimate compromises; it is not charity or the expression of compassion, but the exhibition of solidarity.

    Corruption has always been the oil that greases the wheels of longevity in power, laxity, impunity and all the evils that are daily wrought on us ordinary citizens. If the Guérandi script is correct, it worked perfectly against him. Guérandi may come to be a symbol of how the post cold war world can still be cruel and unforgiving. Like for Moumié that suffered virtually a similar fate abroad, it brings home forcefully to us the reminder that the fight for freedom can usually be a lonely one because freedom’s enemies are usually brutal and determined, while freedom’s friends are often unreliable. Luckily, freedom has always had the last word because it is the inextinguishable desire of liberty in the human heart.

   Our Orwellian “advanced democracy,” and other very Cameroonian sound bites that make “democracy” and corruption coexist in perfect harmony in our society, can only serve power vanity; they cannot land any legacy.

    At this stage of our history, we need acts that bind national wounds, not inflict more wounds on the national psyche.

Cameroon: though heavily indebted, Sonara aims for new headquarters in Limbe

(Business in Cameroon) - In a release on September 22, 2014, the Managing Director of Société nationale de raffinage (Sonara), Ibrahim Talba Malla, announced that Cameroon’s only oil refinery is to set-up a new headquarters in Limbé, in the South-West region.

Although the investment’s amount has not been revealed, Sonara’s managing director’s announcement has sparked a lot of questions in economic circles, both in terms of opportunity and feasibility. By the admission of Cameroonian public authorities and Sonara heads themselves, the public company is almost in suspension of payments due to lack of earnings between 2008 and July 2014 due to Cameroon’s oil product subsidies.

Indeed, when the Cameroonian government decided to reduce the oil product subsidies by adjusting the price at the pump starting in August 2014, Sonara accumulated 300 billion FCFA in unpaid income yet to be settled by the State.

Mr. Tchiroma had revealed that the refinery has so far accrued 550 billion in outstanding payments to its providers. This does not take into account its loans with local banks that financed Sonara’s infrastructural expansion and modernisation project which led the IMF to fear, last May, a notable impact on the Cameroonian banking sector’s stability in light of the financial difficulties the company, currently struggling with productivity decline, has been facing.

Cameroon: Boko Haram hostages freed in north

State radio says the freed captives include 10 Chinese and the wife of a vice prime minister.

Boko Haram never claimed responsibility for the kidnappings [Al Jazeera] Cameroon's government announced that 27 hostages presumed to have been kidnapped by Boko Haram, including 10 Chinese construction workers and the wife of a vice prime minister, have been freed.    The hostages were returned early on Saturday morning and "are safe and sound,'' according to a statement from President Paul Biya's office read on state radio, the Associated Press news agency reported.      The Chinese road construction workers were kidnapped in May from their base in Waza, in Cameroon's Far North region.       Francoise Agnes Moukouri, wife of vice prime minister Amadou Ali, was among a group of 17 people kidnapped in a July attack targeting their residence in the border town of Kolofata. Officials said at the time that 200 fighters stormed the residence, though Ali himself was away.      As the fighters retreated with their hostages, they set fire to the residence, stole safes and vehicles and killed at least five people, a military spokesman said at the time. A local religious leader was also abducted in the July attack and released Saturday, according to the Cameroon government statement.      Boko Haram never claimed responsibility for the kidnappings, but both incidents raised concerns that the Nigeria-based rebels were expanding their operations in Cameroon as the government became increasingly involved in regional efforts to contain them. Cameroon says it does not pay ransoms in kidnapping cases, and Saturday's brief statement provided no details on the conditions of the hostages' release.     Government spokesman Issa Tchiroma Bakary said he could provide no details. On Friday he claimed to have no knowledge of ongoing negotiations.      On Wednesday, however, witnesses said Ferdinand Ngoh Ngoh, the secretary-general of Cameroon's presidency, arrived in Maroua, the capital of the Far North region, fueling speculation that negotiations were reaching a conclusion.     Ngoh Ngoh was credited with sealing the release of other high-profile hostages, including a French priest kidnapped last November and freed the following month.

Source: AP

My Sasse, Our Sasse: 30 September 1964 to 30 September 2014 – 50 Years Already!

By Asonganyi Tazoacha* 

   Not all that is countable counts. Since its advent in 1939, St. Joseph’s College Sasse, Buea, has witnessed many entrances and exits. One of the remarkable entrances that counts, occurred on 30 September 1964 when dozens of “foxes” or “plebs” (from plebian!) appeared in the clouded, chilly campus for roll call late in the afternoon. Those of them that have survived the travails of life have matured into senior citizens, and call themselves today “The September 1964 Transitions Class.”   

       As is usually the case in our cultures, some names are pregnant with meaning – so is the name of the class! As history would have it, it is in 1964 that the school system was modified and a seven year strand was introduced with instruction being given to “class” no longer “standard.”  In other words, our promotion that was in Standard Six in 1964 was the last. This is how we got into Saint Joseph’s College, Sasse in September 1964. Since we were the transition from the “Standard” system (of 8 years) whose school year started in January to the “Class” system (of 7 years) that started in September, we gave ourselves the “Transition” name.

      Initially we wanted to be called “The Transition Class” but as history would also have it, the class that came just behind us in 1965 came with around 6 girls – the first in the history of Sasse! The experiment quickly fizzled out because the half-dozen-some girls looked miserable and not very comfortable in the midst of some 300 jostling young lads! It is with great pride that SOBANS mingle and carry out their activities with these SOGANS who have all grown up with blissful memories of Sasse too! Incidentally, to the class we exercised our bullying skills on, the girls-experience constituted a “Transitions” too! As is usually the case in Sasse, when you are faced with the Class you bullied – because it came immediately behind you - they do not easily give up, so the standoff resulted in adding “September 1964” to our “Transition” name…There was really no quarrel because SOBANS hardly ever quarrel among themselves; each ignored the other, so we were forced to budge.

      Our class left Sasse on 21 June 1969 after spending five years that left a great – I would say an indelible – mark on us. We had “Houses” in the college: St. Christopher’s, St. Paul’s, St. Aquinas’s, and St. Augustine’s. In each House, there were several dormitories with some 20 students in a dormitory. Our daily interactions in these dormitories and houses shaped our emotional and social intelligence, and developed our ability to empathize with each other – sharing emotions, thoughts, feelings, and dreams. Sasse marked the rest of our lives – in High School, in the University, in society… Sasse provided us the filter through which we see the world; through which we evaluate, judge and deal with life.. This was the result of the heroic efforts of our teachers to get us to understand the several subjects we learned; the discipline they imposed on our youthful spirits; the religious inspiration and enlightenment we got from the daily Church services and the compulsory study of the scriptures which we always took for granted, but which contributed in marking our lives indelibly; the models our instructors represented for us; the attitudes and behaviors of our teachers and senior students that helped to shape ours. Sasse did not just train us to pass the London GCE; it seemed to focus on the entire person and personality of the students, and made sure that we left the college as little Catholic Christians that had dozens of little voices in us that ordered us around throughout our lives: whispering to us how to act, dictating to us what to do and not to do…

    The principal who admitted us into Sasse was Rev. Fr. George Cunningham. He was followed by Fr. JW Stumpel, and then by Fr. Lawrence Flinn who graduated us from the College. Each of us left with a “Testimonial” that was a testimony for our academic ability, sense of responsibility, attitude to rules, attitude to manual work, attitude to sports, and so on. Interestingly, the “harmonization” of the education systems rendered “Testimonials” useless, so to say, since no one ever asked for such things in Cameroon! However, we have always known in our hearts that the “Testimonial” was one of the most important documents we had in our keeping, which we show to our children from time to time to tell them about our “good old days.” I think our not having presented it to anybody since we left Sasse is indicative of how much weight our society places on the type of holistic education we had in Sasse; the result is the corrupt society we are living in today.

     Sasse knew that a full education includes opportunities outside the classroom, including sport. The vast expanse of land in the college was exploited to build three football fields, a basket ball court, table tennis tables and other sporting arenas. There was also Buea Mountain climbing by the students from time to time. Sports contributed to our emotional, social and physical health; it helped to improve our mood and focus, it reduced our stress and increased our confidence. Sports taught us how to communicate and work together, to master specific techniques that instilled discipline and persistence. It helped us to develop as team players, healthy persons, innovators, and community members. Indeed, sports forced us to conform to the team concept, and to become familiar with pain, and deal with the limits of our own endurance; it helped us to learn to play within rules, and to face the disappointment of failure and the sweetness of success. Unfortunately, one of the glaring signs of the absence of the spirit of holistic education today is the hundred, thousands of colleges that exist today in Cameroon without sporting facilities!

      St. Joseph’s College Sasse stands near the Buea Mountain, high above the sea. It was the first College in Cameroon, and today, remains the first among equals. We who entered Sasse 50 years ago may have learned the hard way about the meaning of hard work, discipline and spirituality. The good thing is that we have since lived the joy and fulfillment that come from learning early how to make your own way in the world. In this, St. Joseph has always been near to guide us! We look forward to going back to Sasse over the weekend with our glamorous wives – our SOBANESE(S) – to see what time has done to the place.

*Asonganyi Tazoacha is a seasoned professor,teaching at Faculty of Biomedical Sciences,University of Yaounde 1

Federation Is Solution to Cameroon’s Political Crisis!

    By Bara Mark B *

 The idea of 'regionalisation' or decentralization of Cameroon political system only came into being when the All Anglophones Conferences in 1993 and 1994 which called on the Biya's regime to revert to Federalism of two states-the original idea why Southern Cameroon gave their intention on 11th February 1961 to join the French over the Mungo.     

      In his paper: Because we were involved (Reflections on the All Anglophone Conference ten years after), by senior citizen Mwalimu George NGWANE, he declared “Whether the Anglophone problem is considered a forgotten scar of our collective memory or an open sore of our collective survival, it will continue to prick the conscience of the Cameroonian body-politic". Over the years the Government of President Paul Biya has been involved in decentralizing powers, changing the names of the provinces to regions. The Cameroun/Cameroon people have largely seen this as a smokescreen because nothing works in truth. The issue of decentralization or changing of names from provinces to regions is just a matter of semantics.

        Any political grouping in Cameroon that seeks change away from the current status quo by adhering to the Government of 'Regionalisation' or Decentralisation is just a lesser evil to the Biya's administration.

     Personally, my take is that any change to Cameroon political system without considering the reasons why Anglophones wanted to join the French would largely see a new form of Biya or Francophone government in another style or form. Cameroonians -and Anglophone youth especially, should recall that in the former federal constitution during the federal government, Anglophone MPs had the power of veto -meaning that any decision which the House (Parliament) took without the backing of absolute majority of the Anglophone MPs , such decision could not be accepted. This protected the minority rights of the Anglophone people.

Any proposed change to Cameroon system should state clearly how the Anglophone people shall be protected in the larger Francophone country. This issue of 'regionalizing' the government does not work; it's just a lesser evil of Biya's decentralization; it does not solve the Anglophone problem. 
 As an Anglophone political activist, I caution that Anglophone youths engaging in any political change should know where they are coming from; they should know the true history of Southern Cameroons, and above all they should not run from the issue.

Remember the original reasons why Southern Cameroonians voted to join French Cameroon was the idea of two states of equal status with alternating powers of all arms of government between the two Cameroons in a federal government.

In 1972, President Ahmadou Ahidjo- against the spirit and letter of the Constitution’ pushed through a new document that abolished the federal system, renamed the country the United Republic of Cameroon, and granted the president greater powers.

After assuming the presidency in November 1982, Paul Biya again in their assimilation style pushed through a revised Constitution in 1984. This document changed the country's name to the Republic of Cameroon- the name French Cameroon had at independence on 1st January 1960, thus completing the colonilization and assimilation of Southern Cameroon. Needless to mention the issue of Reunification as historians and constitutionalists of both Cameroons confirmed the illegality of the Union when they agreed in Yaounde on April 5, 2013 that no legal documents were established at the time of reunification between the two Cameroons to bind them in a union.

         It is interesting to note that my political friend from the other side of the Mungo (Francophone), a former Unionist, comrade Alain Ngono had this to say "On our nation, there should be no taboo. We shall be ready to listen to others. Whether we are against or in favour of SCNC, is not a big deal at this stage. The truth of the matter is that it is an issue that our generation will have to address. So we need to have the best possible understanding of it. We should not look at it with passion, favour or ignore it". This is the type of Cameroonians I am looking for, this is how our brothers from the French side should look at the future Cameroon .He stated it clearly that it is a problem our generation will have to solve and by inviting leaders of the SCNC movement on the table, a lot of things could change for the good of the entire Country; yet the Biya's government has ignored the calls for dialogue from the Banjul African Court.

       Another former student Union leader comrade Tata Mbinglo from Nkambe constituency corroborated comrade Ngono when he declared "We the youths are positivists. Let's hold each other's hand and walk through this gate to our destination. That which God has shown to us. It takes some time but we must get there as activists, politicians, scholars, civil society, youths, as SCNC, as religious organizations; one thing is certain we are getting there as a people! Each night before we go to bed, let's reflect on this, on where we started; it was Faith that brought us to this point, it is faith that will take us there". Comrade Tata has embodied all components of the Cameroon society to seek a new Cameroon. These are the new breed Cameroonians I am looking for in my quest to see a new Cameroon; people who cknowledge the problems of our people and are prepared to get involve in honest and sincere solutions.

      That said, personally I think the best form of Government that could address Cameroon political landscape is a federated state  with federal parliaments, independent structures, greater autonomy to both Cameroons to manage their affairs. It could be a two-state or ten- state solution transforming the regions to states or better still it could be the four- state solution as proposed by the SDF. Whatever form we want, all major actors must sit on the drawing board to map a new road for Cameroon. Let us not forget this as youths and most especially those of Anglophone extraction. We should always have in mind where we are coming from and what type of Cameroon we want to leave for our Children.

      I recall  that sometime in 2008/2009 in one of my write ups I defined Cameroon bilingualism as "the ability to read and understand French, whether you read and understand English does not matter so far as you speak and understand French, the job is largely yours." Thus, in my quest for a new Cameroon I do not want my children to fight through marginalization to succeed, I do not want my children to speak a particular language to succeed as we have seen in the military, police, government offices, national team etc. I want my children to live in a society where peace and justice is seen to be done for both cultures wherein they will succeed not because they are seen to speak French or they come from a particular area but based on meritocracy they are seen to succeed. We cannot repeat the mistakes of the past.

*Bara Mark B is Cameroonian political Activist and freelance writer .He holds an M.Sc in Environmental Sanitation from the Faculty of Bio-science Engineering, University of Ghent, Belgium. Bara Mark is a former Student Union Leader UB and is currently the black student representative in the Faculty of Bio-science Engineering Council, University of Ghent.

Cameroon :Chief Ayamba, the SCNC, and the CPDM Regime

By Tazoacha Asonganyi in Yaounde

        The CPDM regime wrote a “Vision-2035” in which it considers its first challenge to be the consolidation of democracy and the enhancement of “national unity” in a “united and indivisible nation enjoying peace and security.” “National unity” is said to be a “permanent and ambitious goal” in a country where “threats, risks and obstacles” include the management of the “dual Anglophone-francophone heritage,” having succeeded to ensure “original cohabitation between the English-speaking and French-speaking systems…” Although there have been “divergences as seen in the violent representation of remote identities as well as outbreak of tensed or even irredentist conflicts,” they were contained by a “pro-active and strong state, capable of containing centrifugal forces and enhancing national solidarity…”

     The “consolidation of democracy” is said to imply “the existence of a constitutional state, (and) promotion and respect for individual and collective freedoms.”

     It is within this backdrop of the declaration of intent in the so-called “vision-2035” that we recall a cardinal principle of modern international law, binding on all nations, especially members of the United Nations: the right of self-determination, or the right of a people to freely choose their sovereignty and international political status.

     Although consensus on the type of groups  or “peoples” that can claim the right to self-determination is not well defined, Anglophone Cameroonians - Southern Cameroonians as they are known - enjoyed the status by their treatment as an entity, as a League of Nations Mandated Territory and a United Nations Trust Territory. Further, their walkout en masse from the Eastern Nigerian House of Assembly in Enugu in 1953, their self-governing status in Buea from 1954-1961, and their participation in a UN-organised plebiscite in 1961 more than defined them as a people that enjoys such a status. In addition to all these, the recognition of persons of Southern Cameroons origin as “a people” with the right of self-determination by the African Commission for Human and People’s Rights was a reflection of these historical acts that marked them out as such.

    Of course, the decision to gain independence by joining the Republic of Cameroun in 1961 did not abrogate this right. Unlike the Americans that sat down in 1789 and hammered out the conditions for a “one and indivisible union,” the Southern Cameroons delegation refused the use of the word “indivisible” in Foumban, leading Ahidjo to state in his concluding remarks that: “in order to avoid a certain confusion that might arise from the word ‘indivisible’, we admit that it should purely and simply be omitted.”

  Indeed, it is because such union status did not always abrogate the right of self-determination that many other such unions in history ended in reversals. In this wise, the September 18, 2014 vote on independence in a referendum in Scotland after a 307-year union in the United Kingdom, is an example of the continued right of self-determination of peoples that join such unions. It will be recalled that Ireland opted out of the UK arrangement since 1922, through a similar independence referendum. No need to mention Quebec in Canada, and many other peoples in similar unions.

      The ban in Cameroon on the creation of political parties that “threaten national unity,” is against the spirit of international law. The consequence of the ban is the emergence of organizations like the Southern Cameroons National Council (SCNC). The constant confrontations with the security forces of the Cameroon “nation state” as recently occurred in Mamfe at the burial of the Chairman of the SCNC Chief Ayamba, is an affront to the right of self-determination of a people that consider themselves oppressed in the Cameroon union. Indeed, the slogan of the organization that professes “the force of argument, not the argument of force” is a disarming slogan that exposes the “pro-active and strong state, capable of containing centrifugal forces” as an oppressive state that uses totalitarian methods.

    Those with a good knowledge of human nature like Malcolm Gladwell usually say that endurance and survival of the trauma of constant brutalization by security forces has a liberating effect which gives birth to courage. Excessive use of force creates legitimacy problems, which give birth to defiance, not submission. Defiant persons can be killed or maimed by brutal use of state power, but invariably, it only leads to the appearance of more defiant people.

     It is usually said that some revolutions are started not by revolutionaries in the first place, but by the stupidity and brutality of regimes. The “pro-active and strong state, capable of containing centrifugal forces” in Cameroon should worry about what organizations like the SCNC think about the regime because, like it or not, their opinion counts! When unjust laws are applied in the absence of legitimacy, it leads to disobedience, not obedience. Power is not just physical force; it has many forms.

    The CPDM regime should reflect deeply on the consequences of the constant arrest, torture and detention of SCNC members. The regime should reflect on the consequences of their standoff with the organization in Tiko following the demise of Martin Ngeka Luma some years ago, and more recently, in Mamfe following that of Chief Ayambe Ette Otun in Mamfe - both leaders of the “irredentist” SCNC.

Cameroon: Presidency Disappointed as Buea Council Bars Accredited Editor from First Lady's Event

Chris Ambe:RECORDER Editor

The Presidency of the Republic  is  said to be disappointed at  news  that, the CPDM-run Buea Council  Municipal Police,  reportedly acting on firm instruction from  Mayor  Ekema Patrick Esunge, chased away  the  editor of  The RECORDER newspaper, who was officially accredited to  cover  the  “AIDS-free Holidays” campaign, an initiative of First Lady ,Chantal Biya,which took place  at the  Buea Council
        Armed with an invitation from Jean Stephane Biatcha , Executive Secretary of African Synergy Against AIDS and Suffering, to cover the closing ceremony of “AIDS-Free Holidays” and  already seated in the hall taking down notes ,the Buea Council Police having failed to persuade  your  editor  leave the hall  while the event ,chaired by Southwest Governor Bernard Okalia Bilai ,was going on, employed the services of  a police man.
The police officer entered the hall and politely told the editor that the latter’s attention was needed outside the hall. When the editor stepped out he was confronted by several municipal council police security men, who insisted that he should leave the Council’s premises, without any justification.
         Your editor’s attempts to bring them to reason (by showing his formal invitation and insisting on his legal right to have access to the council office, which is public and not private property), failed.
          Even when a senior superintendent of police intervened and asked them to produce documentary evidence showing that your editor was a persona non-grata of the Council, they rather looked confused and could not show any document.  Waiving aside the invitation shown to them, they insisted that they could not take the risk of letting your editor re-enter the hall, for fear of losing their jobs.
“We have received instruction from hierarchy to send you out,” they said, calling your editor by name, indicative of the fact that it was not a matter of mistaken identity.
One of the council guards then rushed into the hall and brought out your editor’s bag, which contained his journalistic gadgets and handed to him.
       When your editor made it abundantly clear to the Council guards that their uncalled-for hostility was doing a disservice to the First lady, who wished to see the event extensively reported by the media, the mayor’s men reiterated that  they were simply executing hierarchical instruction.
         The Senior Police Superintendent(name withheld), in the heat of  the argument asked your editor to go stand by the open door of the hall and perform his journalistic assignment, since the Governor was already addressing the large audience. Even when your editor stood by the door, he was “guarded” by the Council’s men in uniform for fear that your editor could dash into the hall against “instruction from hierarchy”
          Immediately the ceremony ended and Mayor Ekema was out for a group picture, the number of guards monitoring your editor increased, and your editor  was later escorted out of the council, as on-lookers and other journalists present were at a loss to understand what was actually happening.
“Is this the Change  Has Come to Buea slogan in action ? ” an observer who witnessed the drama, wondered aloud, before recommending  that the CPDM Party hierarchy should urgently  call Buea  Council authorities   to order.
Your editor is not the only one reportedly blacklisted by Buea Council.
        Even Ayang Mc Donald, young but critical reporter  of the Eden newspaper whose reports like those of your editor are considered too critical of the Buea Council, has been molested and chased away on several occasions  from the Council by the Mayor’s men, some of who have been threatening journalists with a penchant for hard news.
          The Recorder gathered that only journalists or those passing for journalists who, for selfish reasons, avoid or don’t even know what is  critical and investigative reporting are allowed access into Buea Council.
A council policeman confided in your editor that because he (editor) is a close friend  to Senator Charles Mbella Moki who reportedly has a personality conflict with Mayor Ekema, the latter suspects that the former must be encouraging critical reporting on the Council management and officials.
     Unfortunately, the Buea Council’s hostility towards certain journalists is being exercised not long after the CPDM Central Committee organized a seminar for all CPDM mayors in the Southwest at CNPS Hall, emphasizing the great need for them to adopt a more open door policy and transparency in the management of councils, to show that the CPDM remains the leading party in the promotion of democratic tenets.
A senior official at the Presidency of the Republic who learned of the molestation of your editor by a CPDM-run council in a telephone conversation last Thursday, expressed shock at what happened during the ceremony in Buea
 “It is unbelievable. This is an embarrassment to the Presidency. You don’t joke with the activities of the First lady,” remarked the official, who did not want to be named, because he was not officially  mandated to publicly react to the unfortunate incident.

(First published in The RECORDER Newspaper,Cameroon,of September 15,2014)

New Book Suggests Solutions to Cameroon's Perennial Problems

TITLE:  DR. CHRISTOPHER FOMUNYOH
         - THE CAMEROON OF TOMORROW:
   The  man in his words

AUTHOR: Mokun Njouny
(Tel :+237 77 57 88 79)
PUBLISHER: Editions Veritas
Edition: 2013
Reviewer: Claris Dud

       This book is particularly innovative; first ,in its form (the manifesto of a candidate standing for a major election, the programme of a reformist party or the cry of a patriot that was deeply attached to his native land and impatient to see how his country could explore its enormous human and natural resources), followed by its presentation in a bilingual format (English and French), expression of a great concern for inclusion, accessibility to all and a consideration of Cameroon’s specificities; and finally the approach: devoted collaborators and an author, apparently of great  humility, who simply limits himself to putting together the ideas and entirely allowing the person at the centre of this editorial project to express  himself. Far from presenting Dr Christopher Fomunyoh to us from his own perception – that may be biased and distorted, the author leaves the latitude for everyone to make his own opinion, through a clear, concise and coherent presentation of the words of this Cameroonian, soldier and sentinel of democracy, committed to serving Africa and the world.
      The author, in this eleven-chapter book, not only presents the vision of Christopher Fomunyoh on the socio-political, economic and diplomatic development of Cameroon in particular, but also for Africa and the world in general. The themes discussed relate to various aspects of national and international life, with a patriotic focus and constant desire to see Cameroon prominent position and play a leading role in the world, equal to its abundant natural and human potentials.
     All through the book, it  is clear  that political debate in Cameroon is excessively polarized, in a logic that is partisan and outdated; a situation that hinders the putting in place of credible democratic institutions that could play an educational role for citizens and as a consequence has given way to contested legality at the detriment of democratic legitimacy. Similarly, the constant disagreement over the establishment of the electoral register and the permanent challenge of institutions in charge of assuring democratic legitimacy is a reflection of the poor management of the transition since the early 1990s, despite the existing sham political and media pluralism.
      On the future of the opposition, Christopher Fomunyoh posits that for a real change to take place in Cameroon, there is need for an all- inclusive approach: “a broad coalition that will include not only the opposition parties but also those who, though militants of the ruling party, want things to change and that the management of national wealth benefit all Cameroonians."  Despite "the restrictions to freedom, interference by the executive and the administration in the mobilization efforts of parties, the malleability of our Constitution and various laws that distorts the political game and equal opportunities for political stakeholders," he suggests ten points which opposition parties could work on to attract both national and international audience and visibility in terms of votes from the electorate. These range from self-criticism or self-assessment to establishing professional relationships with major international bodies, through liaising with civil society and the Diaspora, the revision of recruitment strategies at the grassroots and the indispensable renewal of leadership.
     In the book,Christopher Fomunyoh addresses the Anglophone problem courageously and  objectively ,inviting both Francophones and Anglophones  to consider Cameroon as their common good and home, where everyone should deploy all the necessary energy beyond cultural divides, victimisation and recurrent lamentations. This applies too for the future of the country, for according Dr Fomunyoh, after President Biya’s thirty years in power; it is natural to start envisaging the transition.
    Legitimately, every citizen who feels competent can nurse presidential ambitions and ensure that there is “a global consensus over the person who has the required capacity, expertise and vision to be the country’s flag bearer."
    Is Christopher Fomunyoh nursing presidential ambitions? His answers keep the reader waiting, despite the fact that there are persistent calls to this effect. While expressing his availability and demonstrated interest in anything that can move the country forward, he does not see himself as the corner stone: "I am open to all those who are fighting and working for a better Cameroon. Of course, I respect everyone's ideas and I do not fail to share my ideas with everyone, whatever his affinity ... Within the framework of my work, I have gathered a lot of experience and expertise that I plan to share with the entire Cameroonian community."  He hints, "In the years ahead, I will continue to connect with fellow patriotic democrats, militants of political parties across the board, the civil society, women and youth, as well as the grassroots, especially in rural areas, to ensure that our country finds the place that should be hers among the emerging democracies of the continent and the world."  Such is a veritable political declaration and the expression of a strong desire to see it succeed.
     Ultimately, this book is consistent with the convictions of Dr Fomunyoh; a lot of tolerance, a fervent determination, great expertise and long experience in transition mechanisms or democratic change. How then can one imagine that Cameroon would not make full gains from such an exceptional know-how that one may have the luck to find once in a generation?
     This book is a well-polished piece of work! It is  not by coincidence but an art of mastership in the rule of law, democracy, elections and others that for over two decades the speeches, interviews and write-ups of Dr. Christopher Fomunyoh have been focused on all sectors of Cameroon's life - a mark of people-oriented leadership.
   The publisher is to the point when it notes that; “There are values to be cultivated. There are experiences to be shared. There are ideas that deserve to be recorded in a book of records.” This should be the motivation for Mokun Njouny Nelson to have come up with this thrilling book of our time, with must-read contents on Cameroon's political life, the economic situation, organization of elections, the Senate, the Opposition and its future, the Anglophone problem, Diaspora, Democratic transition in Africa, President Paul Biya, Challenges ahead, Diplomacy, Profile of next president, Presidential aspirations and Hope in a whirlwind.
    Easy to read and accessible to the general public, Mokun Njouny Nelson, offers the public an interesting synthesis and civic contribution that is likely to inspire stakeholders and influence the socio-political evolution of Cameroon.

NB: Dr Christopher Fomunyoh is one of the most respected voices speaking for democracy in Africa. He serves as the Senior Associate and Regional Director for Central and West Africa at the Washington based National Democratic Institute, NDI.