Cameroon: President Paul Biya 's New Year Message to the Nation

President Paul Biya  on CRTV  December 31,2014  addressing the nation /photo credit:PRC

As tradition requires, every December 31(8:00pm) the Head of State of Cameroon addresses the nation, ushering in a new year. In his message on December 31, 2014, President Paul Biya, who has been  in power since November 1982, blames Boko Haram attacks on Cameroon for the slow economic growth in 2014. He defends the country’s recently adopted law on anti terrorism, saying it is not intended to suppress civil liberties as CSO’s and opposition parties have made the world to believe. Following is President Biya’s entire speech, which also touches on other aspects of national life:

 

“My dear compatriots,

It was our hope, following a period of intensive political activity, that as 2014 was not an election year, we would be free to devote ourselves primarily to reviving our economic growth which, as you are aware, is a prerequisite for improving the living conditions of our populations.

Such was not exactly the case owing to the escalation of attacks against our national territory by the Boko Haram sect. Besides this, there were the criminal activities of armed gangs on our border with the Central African Republic.

Initially, the Boko Haram terrorist organization carried out raids to seize isolated hostages or loot public or private property.

Buoyed by their grip on north-eastern Nigeria, the so-called “jihadists” launched major attacks on the Far-North Region of our country, for instance, the attack on the workers’ camp of a Chinese company at Waza and the raid on Kolofata, resulting in several deaths and the abduction of many hostages.

This could not be tolerated. We therefore set up a response and prevention mechanism which quickly proved its worth. Since then, Boko Haram has suffered heavy human and material losses in each of its attacks. It is hoped that they would learn their lesson.

At this juncture, I would like to pay glowing tribute to our defence forces whose valour has been demonstrated in recent fighting.

I have had occasion to say that the Nation as a whole ought to mobilize and rally behind its defence forces.

Such seems to be the case by all accounts from our regions. I have most particularly appreciated the stance of our Muslim compatriots. They, like all the other Cameroonians, have clearly understood that this war is by no means based on religion. They have clearly understood that it is a response to external aggression by a terrorist organization that does not subscribe to the values of a fraternal society.

My dear compatriots,

The growing threats on our borders have prompted us to take measures to safeguard against their effects on our internal security. Such is the purpose of the law on the suppression of terrorism which Parliament recently passed by a large majority. It is far from serving as a pretext for restricting civil liberties, as claimed by some ill-intentioned people. Besides, the instrument is very clear on this point.

Furthermore, faced with an upsurge in terrorist activities, most leading democratic countries have in recent years passed new laws to prevent terrorism. By so doing, they have complied with the recommendations of international organizations, particularly the United Nations and the African Union. Such is what we deemed appropriate to do. Therefore, our objective is to safeguard against any terrorist-related risk as far as possible. Every State not only has the right, but also the duty to protect its citizens. I am convinced that the vast majority of our compatriots do understand.

I would also like to recall here that Cameroon is not the only country facing this threat which knows no boundaries. Some of our neighbouring countries, namely Benin, Chad, Niger and Nigeria, are collaborating with us to form a united front against Boko Haram.

The United Nations Organization and several big powers, particularly the United States of America, Germany, France, Russia and China, also back us. I will be revisiting this issue before long.

It goes without saying that mobilizing the required resources for our defence means additional spending. As you are aware, the situation in the Central African Republic also warrants our vigilance on our eastern border. We are forced to host tens of thousands of refugees from this brotherly country. I take this opportunity to commend the valuable assistance we are receiving from humanitarian organizations. It is clear that our duty-bound solidarity has an impact on the budget. But, we must also understand that security has a price.

My dear compatriots,

As I said at the onset, we were obliged to prioritize the defence of the national territory, for, there can be no peace without security and no development without peace. Nonetheless, we have not relented in our efforts to revive growth. Now that our democratic institutions are fully functional, growth is the focus of our policy. As I stated earlier on, our growth is a prerequisite for a strong economy and, hence, our capacity to roll back poverty and progress towards emergence.

A quick evaluation of our economic programme shows that our first-generation major projects are either completed, nearing completion, or on track. Such is the case, in particular, for the Kribi Gas-fired Plant and Port, dams and hydroelectric power plants, as well as some road and various infrastructure projects.

Thanks to these projects, there is renewed activity in various sectors of our economy. The impact on employment and the improvement of living conditions is also visible. The year 2015 should therefore be characterized by the launching of second-generation projects in the energy, water, road and highway and transport sectors.

My dear compatriots,

Most of the major undertakings announced in my address on 31 December 2013 have been fulfilled.

1.We celebrated the FIFTIETH ANNIVERSARY OF CAMEROON’S REUNIFICATION last February in Buea with all the necessary pomp and solemnity. The town of Buea, which has been provided with various infrastructure, has been completely transformed. The impact of this celebration was also felt in neighbouring towns. This key moment of national unity is a milestone in our history.

2.I also promised substantial improvements in the health domain. These are now realities. Malaria treatment for children aged below five is now free. Our health map now comprises three new referral hospitals: the Yaounde National Emergency Centre, the Douala Gynaecology, Obstetrics and Paediatric Hospital and the Sangmelima Referral Hospital.

3.The employment spin-offs of our growth policy which I referred to a while ago have been confirmed. In 2014, 283 443 new jobs were created against 250 000 projected, as you would recall.

4.You would also recall that I underscored the need for Cameroon to have a viable emergency plan for the coming years. This announcement as well has been translated into reality. The said plan was adopted and launched during the Council of Ministers meeting held on 9 December. I will come back to this later.

My dear compatriots, 

Should we be content with these results which can objectively be considered positive? Substantial progress has been achieved as confirmed by the recent triennial appraisal report on the implementation of the Growth and Employment Strategy Paper. That being the case, I will simply say that we can and should do even better. I am convinced, as I pointed out last year under the same circumstances, that we must increase our growth rate at all costs. Are we sure we have done all we can? 

Take the case of investment for instance, which has so far been largely initiated by the State and reserved especially for anchor and social projects. Public Investment Budget allocations have increased considerably in recent years. In 2014, they represented about one-third of the overall budget, or approximately CFAF 1 000 (one thousand) billion. This is commendable. However, in terms of execution, there are hurdles and project implementation is often slowed down. I decried such under-utilization of budgetary appropriations. As you know, our needs are obvious and urgent. I am pleased to note that this year, there has been a marked improvement in contract execution rates which should increasingly match commitment rates.

Although in 2013 the public authorities, through Parliament, adopted major incentives for private investment, the latter still seems unable to take over from the State. 

However, there seems to be progress in this direction among local and foreign entrepreneurs thanks largely to awareness-raising campaigns by investment promotion bodies. This is proven by the recent signing of 13 agreements in the Ministry of Industry, worth CFAF 180 billion. 

I want to believe this is just the beginning. We do need an ambitious industrial policy. There can be no great country without industry. Even agriculture, which I love to say is the principal source of our wealth, is also expected to go “industrial”. 

It is understandable that the implementation of our major iron and bauxite mining projects, whose ultimate goal also is industrialization, is dragging as such projects are complex. Conversely, there is no plausible reason for our slowness in developing industries to process our agricultural commodities. 

Besides the benefits we could derive in terms of value added and employment, local processing will contribute towards rebalancing our foreign trade which is showing a structural deficit. 

In fact, our trade balance is characterized by a significant import surplus against exports which largely depend on the sale of three or four commodities whose prices are unstable. Our imports, for their part, mostly concern manufactured products, notably capital goods for our major projects. Obviously, it is difficult for us to restrict our purchase of capital goods. That, we understand. On the other hand, we should be able to limit the importation of the commodities we are able to produce. 

These remarks which I am compelled to make once more reflect the difficulty we are facing moving from a State-dominated economy to a more liberal system which is now the rule. The situation is such that sometimes we suffer the disadvantages of both systems. This, to me, explains the resistance to structural reforms which is stifling our growth revival efforts.

Some of these reforms concern our governance, particularly public finance. Significant progress has been made in this area and needs to be consolidated by ensuring budget sustainability, reducing subsidies as much as possible and reviewing the tax base. On the whole, our administration would stand to benefit by streamlining its procedures and, as I said recently and instructed, cutting down on its spending. 

My dear compatriots,

To jumpstart our growth, I have instructed the Government to implement a three-year “emergency plan”. Its objective is to achieve visible progress and measurable improvements in vital areas such as urban development, health, agriculture, roads, energy, low-cost housing and security. I expect the said plan to meet the most urgent needs of our populations nationwide.

This initiative is different from our Growth and Employment Strategy which will continue to be implemented by the Government. About CFAF 1 000 (one thousand) billion will be allocated to the plan. The implementation of this plan will determine whether we are capable of meeting the challenge whose outline and timeframe we have ourselves defined.

Of course, it is crucial for our country to meet this challenge. We have the wherewithal. 

My dear compatriots,

In a few hours, you will be happily celebrating New Year’s Day.

However, before that, let us spare a thought for our soldiers who have fallen defending our Fatherland. Let us spare a thought for those securing our borders, their grieving or anxious families and our compatriots who are suffering physical and psychological pain.

I would now like to extend to you all my best wishes for good health and happiness in the New Year.

Happy and prosperous New Year 2015!

Cameroon:News Media, Journalists and the National Communication Council

By Tazoacha Asonganyi in Yaounde.

 When trouble broke out in the past between News Media/Journalists and the National Communication Council (NCC), I wrote two articles. One was titled “Joseph Befe Ateba: Journalist on the Other Side” in which I stated as follows: “The mission of outfits like the government-controlled NCC is to check the power of the press, and by implication, society’s freedoms, to cede space for government power…Some apologists may say that there are other journalists in NCC other than its Chairman. Of course, they are there, but most seem to at least cover-up by indulging in sophistry and casuistry. Whatever the case, it is Befe Ateba that is in the dock. After all, it is usually said that the buck can be passed on but it must end somewhere. For the NCC, the buck ends with Joseph Befe Ateba…”

     In a second article titled “Mocking The Rule Of Law By Lynching Figuratively And In Essence” I stated as follows: “The rule of law abhors interferences like the ‘fifteen-days-renewable’ of administrators, suspension of journalists and news outlets by the NCC, and many other niches carved out by government for appointed officials to wield discretionary power – a subversion of judicial authority by executive power! Indeed, such government appointees virtually always work actively or passively to diminish the rule of law….Those with thin skins should not leave the impression in the public mind that the press in Cameroon fought a gallant fight against censorship in the 1990s and censorship ended up having the last laugh….”

     

 Things have since changed – not for the better! Following his unfortunate demise, Joseph Befe Ateba’s role is being played by … a seasoned journalist! And so the buck now ends at the feet of the new strongman. That man that stands accused following the recent highhandedness of the NCC is called Peter Essoka.

    Since the ‘60s, we have been grappling with governance based on constitutionalism that is said to separate state power into three arms: the executive, the judiciary, and the legislature. If this form were to be respected, laws would be made by the legislative arm, interpretation of laws and adjudication would be the role of the judiciary, and execution of laws would be the role of the executive arm. Our ideological differences may separate us on substantive issues of governance, but at least, there did not have to be any quarrel on procedural issues related to this set up.

    Unfortunately, in Cameroon, the executive has always exercised overbearing power, dabbling in issues supposed to be reserved for the judiciary, and giving the right of interpretation of laws and adjudication to administrative officials (DOs, SDOs, Governors) and to outfits like the NCC. And so, since independence, we have lived in an environment made oppressive by blind, incompetent, self-serving elite constituted into a cabal that is stuck with old, long discarded paradigms, oiled by impunity and an obsession for corruption and theft of the common wealth.

       These people pretend to be oblivious of the reasons for which Africa and Africans are the laughingstock of the world. They pretend not to know that the oppressive environment they create clogs our minds, and does not leave room for our indulging in the work and life of the mind that give birth to the glittering material culture that is all around us in this fast evolving 21^st century. They pretend not to know that if the African mind has to function at the level of the minds of those who create these glittering things that we indulge in to facilitate our lives on earth, our oppressive environment has to be lifted and replaced with the type of environment that those other minds live in. They pretend not to know that those freedoms we all sing about are the pillars of this environment in which the sovereign individual or the citizen as ‘the legal subject,’ is at the centre of law and judicial due process. The human genome project has since given its verdict: overall differences in performance of human communities are not due to nature (genes) but to nurture (environment). We should always remember what Kennedy said to the American people: our goal is not peace at the expense of freedom but both peace and freedom. Whatever we do, we should always remember that freedom is the key to unlocking the creative spirit of society in all domains. Our man who is promising emergence in 2035, and hurrying another obnoxious, so-called “anti-terrorism” bill to the national assembly to make our environment even more oppressive, should take note of this.

     It is interesting that these people of the NCC use what they call “dispassionate, fair, accurate and balanced” reporting to punish journalists. A prominent politician in Nigeria once declared that “if the next elections are rigged Nigeria will be made ungovernable.” Nigerian journalists were divided into two camps (and more!) with one saying that the politician was sounding a warning against vote-rigging, while the other was saying that the politician was threatening to cause confusion in the country if he didn’t win. The mind of an actor like the politician in question is a domain opaque to examination and difficult to assess. How one can measure “dispassionate, fair, accurate and balanced” here is difficult to say in real life, although they will tell you they are taught in journalism school how to do so.

        This is just a simple example of the type of information and news in society that must be dealt with by journalists. It is also to say that truthful or falsehood, whether an idea, principle, value or view is valid or not, depends on changing times and changing peoples of varied orientation, minds and motives. Journalists are usually condemned to deal most of the time with a part, not the totality of an experience. They usually are forced to deal with the way things appear, not the way they are or can become. What each journalist usually ends up with depends on the entreaties of their reason and passion, of logic and experience, of their scale of values, of their intelligence. This is why they rarely ever reach definitive judgment. In the heat of the robust debate that journalism entails, journalists usually enjoy even a democratic right of error.

        A person like Mendo Ze was general manager of CRTV from 1988 to 2005. Nine years after his leaving CRTV, he was recently arrested as a suspect of malpractices during his tenure in CRTV! After all those years, in spite of the audit report that had since made him a suspect! What would Peter Essoka and his NCC court say would be “dispassionate, fair, accurate and balanced” reporting about this former CRTV big-man while the executive labored with prosecuting him at its whim? Perhaps journalists should look the other way until the executive decides to act when they like, as if they are running a private estate! A truth is unchanged by the fact that it is not known or that it is known only by a few.

      We also hear that our high priests of the NCC say journalists are guilty of “insulting” an official of the presidency! It seems that they do not also count the misfortunes of Cameroon in Kondengui prison as we all do. If they did, they would know that those high places are home to a cabal with insatiable appetite, which has replaced the general interest with self-interest, and needs to be permanently watched by the press. When we battled for the creation of “independent” structures to regulate the activities of society, we were not bargaining for kangaroo courts like the NCC. We understood “independent” to mean what it has always meant: non-attachment to any branch of government or alignment to any political interest; non-promotion of the narrow interests of any political party, or sectional group. Who doubts who is paying the piper?

     With this sorry performance of the NCC, Paul Biya can now rub his hands in glee and ask us: you say I abuse the overwhelming power I have because I am a bad leader. See what they are doing with the little fraction of my power I gave to them.

   And what would be our response, apart from seeking the answer to Geoffrey Chaucer’s question in General Prologue to his Canterbury Tales: if gold rust, what then will iron do?

Well, let me borrow the signature of one of my friends to put my own question: Peter Essoka, are we together? If we are, then answer Chaucer!

Men accused of being homosexual in hiding

By Tanji Ntonifor

Homosexuality, which is legal in some developed countries, is a crime in Cameroon despite pressure from the West on African countries   to legalize the same-sex sexual orientation.   The publicity given same-sex orientation in the developed world appears to be encouraging young Cameroonians to embrace the act.

Lorenzo Eladnyuke Ewunkem

     Before, it was rarely a subject of public interest-it was largely considered a taboo subject; but now not only is it discussed, cases of this abominable act are reported here and there, in a country where more than 51 percent of the total population is made-up of women.

In the past, those found guilty of homosexuality or lesbianism were badly treated, such mistreatment reserved for witches and wizards .And in some villages they were even banished.

    According to Section 347 of Cameroon penal code, "Whoever has sexual relationship with a person of the same sex shall be punished with imprisonment from six months to five years and a fine from 20.000Fcfa to 200.000 Fcfa"

    It is public knowledge that many young Cameroonians across towns of the country have been molested, accused, arrested, and detained or being prosecuted for allegedly being gay.

    Yet, many others are not deterred. Banking on the defense that it is their Human Rights to choose their sexual orientation, youth Cameroonians are bringing shame to their parents and communities, by attempting to practice or practice homosexuality. They argue that Cameroon is a member of the United Nations and has signed other conventions to respect and promote human rights and that sexual orientation is   human Right issue.

    Amnesty International has repeatedly condemned Cameroon for prosecuting persons perceived to be homosexual or lesbian, and called on the Government to repeal the law making same-sex sexual orientation a crime, but Cameroon is yet to do that. And there are no signs that Cameroon will legalize it.

    Reports say many young people are increasingly becoming gay for occultist reasons-to become very influential, wealthy and powerful in their localities.

Last November - a young man Lorenzo Eladnyuke Ewunkem, born on December 14, 1990, resident in Buea was almost lynched because he was accused of being a homosexual. It was thanks to the intervention of security agents that he survived.

Nyongapsen Gilbert Sema

    Lorenzo Eladnyuke Ewunkem was accused of engaging in the same-sex relations with an even older man,Nyongapsen Gilbert Sema ,born on November 25,1988. Gilbert was said to be his “wife”

   Although the two accused argued that they were not gay, they later disappeared as investigations were going on and some witnesses reportedly promised to disprove them in court

    It would be recalled that two young men, Jonas Kimie and Franky Ndome, perceived to be gay, had spent more than a year in prison following their arrest outside a nightclub in the capital Yaoundé in July 2011, but were later acquitted by the Appeals Court .It is true that same-sex relationship is in vogue in several Western countries, but opponents in Cameroon think it is not every thing that must be copied from First World countries.

How a smart activist earned his freedom from detention

                                      By Ntonifor Tanji

     A radical Southern Cameroons National Council (SCNC) activist, Tabe Ferdinand Tanyi, is still in hiding after he failed to honor a commitment he had made, which caused his release from detention.

     Mr.Tabe, born on May 18, 1976 in Mamfe is said to have negotiated his release with a pro-government agent to the effect that, he would publicly denounce the SCNC, which is fighting for the restoration of the Independence of Southern Cameroons.  

But upon his release Mr. Tabe did not fulfill his promise as he was expected to do and could not be found ,prompting a plan for his re-arrest.

     Mr. Tabe who has four children is husband to Belinda Tabe Ayamba,an adopted daughter of former SCNC National Chairman Chief Ayamba Otun,who died last June 14.

      Influenced by the philosophy of his father-in-law,Mr.Tabe started manifesting his open support for  the SCNC since 2007 when he reportedly persuaded and got many university students in  the Bonamousadi vicinity in Yaounde enrolled as members of the separatist movement.  Later same year, he went to his native Mamfe and converted more people especially unemployed youth to supporters of SCNC, considered by the Cameroon Government as a big threat to national unity.

     Seen as a security risk as he embarked on a massive enrollment of SCNC activists across villages of Manyu Division, Southwest of Cameroon, Mr.Tabe- who in 2008 was appointed as Propaganda and Recruitment Agent was severally arrested and detained, but his father-in-law Chief Ayamba would bail him out. 

     For trying to resist arrest by security agents, Mr. Tabe, nicknamed as SCNC Tabe was sometimes reportedly tortured to submission.

Mr.Tabe was not only persecuted by security forces but also by local chiefs who are auxiliaries of the Government and some overzealous members of the ruling CPDM

     When Chief Ayamba died on June 14, 2014, the SCNC announced they would give their deceased leader a “state burial”, an announcement that left the Government frightened and forced it to militarize Mamfe,where he was to be buried .The near state of emergency in Mamfe led to the arrest of several SCNC officials on the eve of Chief Ayamba’s  burial including Mr.Tabe.

     Mr. Tabe was only released early October 2014 from detention on condition that he would henceforth denounce the SCNC, according to reports.  But upon his release he did not publicly denounce the SCNC as he committed himself to do. That was considered as a betrayal of trust by the pro-government politician who negotiated his release.

     Hinted of a plan to re-arrest him Mr. Tabe is said to have gone into hiding last November and police in mufti are reportedly hunting for him.

    The SCNC, which was formed in 1994 as a protest to what is considered as gross marginalization of Anglophones, had as its pioneer National Chairman Barrister Sam Ekontang Elad.

     SCNC has as objective the “restoration of the independence of Southern Cameroons” and as motto “The Force of Argument, Not the Argument of Force”.

    Many Anglophones who are supporters of the SCNC have been harassed, molested, tortured and prosecuted, a situation that has forced many others to flee abroad for safety.

Cmaeroon National Symbols, the State and the Nation

By Asonganyi Tazoacha

We shall never tire of reminding us that the nation has two components: society and the state. The sovereign people are in society. It is the sovereign people that delegate their power to the state, and government’s role is to regulate the activities of society using what is usually banally described as the authority of the state. The relationship between the citizen and the government is usually conflicting because government always seeks to expand its power by encroaching on the freedoms of the sovereign citizen.

I say all this because I watched a person who was described on Canal 2 International Television as “Maitre Laurent Bondji” say that national symbols like the flag and the national anthem are the preserve of the government (or the state) or something of the sort. In other words, according to him, those who sing the national anthem at their political party meetings or village meetings or other occasions, to express the fact that the effort they are engaged in, is for the good of their country, do so in violation of some sacred code. In fact, during his declarations, pictures of political parties singing the national anthem at their party meetings were shown, probably to send the veiled message that what they were doing was not right.

Just before the World Cup in Brazil, Samuel Eto’o Fils, as Captain of the National Football Team, refused to take the Cameroon Flag from the Prime Minister. At that time, I said that the refusal - in protest - was a supreme act of political expression. This is because the flag is not an expression of state authority; it represents much more than that. Since the declarations of “Maitre Laurent Bondji” appeared to bear the stamp of the law because they were utterances of a “Maitre” (a lawyer), we shall borrow from the legal milieu to make the point that “Maitre Laurent Bondji” was wrong in stating that our national symbols are the preserve of the state and not of the nation.

Gregory Lee Johnson burned the American flag during the 1984 Republican national Convention in Dallas as a sign of his criticism of government and the Republican Convention’s actions. That started what has come to be known as the “flag burning” case in the US. In lower courts, he was convicted of violating a Texas law prohibiting any person from desecrating the American flag in a manner that would greatly offend others.

The conviction was appealed up to the Supreme Court. The Court ruled against the conviction on the ground that the flag (like other national symbols) reflects the principles of freedom and inclusiveness; it is a symbol for certain national ideals. Only treatment of these symbols that sends a message that is contrary to these ideals (of freedom and inclusiveness) is reprehensible.

The Court decision led to outrage especially in Republican circles, and Congress was pushed to enact the “Flag Protection Act of 1989.” The Act was promptly challenged in 1990 through a test case known as United States v Eichman (1990). The Supreme Court ruled that the Flag Protection Act was unconstitutional because it suppressed expression out of concern for the message expressed.  The venerable Justice William J. Brennan Jr. is fondly remembered for these rulings of the Supreme Court.

The protected freedoms include speech, press, religion, assembly, association, and petition for redress of grievances. The US Supreme Court was indeed saying that even burning the flag was a form of protected speech; it was also sending a strong message that although government can regulate the exercise of these freedoms, it has no power to prevent them.  This is because sovereignty is of the citizen, not of the government.

Wikipedia tells us that national anthems are national songs that are patriotic musical compositions that evoke and eulogise the history, traditions and struggles of its people. They are played or sung in various contexts, including during national events. National anthems are among the national symbols of a country. They belong to the nation which is owned by the sovereign people, not to the state or government which is an emanation of the people. Nobody can separate the national symbols from the sovereign people without devaluing the reason for which they exist.

In all societies, the judiciary has authority that surpasses all other levels of power. Even in a banana republic like ours, Ahmadou Ahidjo used to remind Judges of the Supreme Court that: “Yes, I, the President (am) the guarantor of your independence, but that independence belongs to you not to the President…” This is why, as we see for the “flag burning” case and its spin-offs in the US, test cases and other types of lawsuits are usually used to bring about social change in societies where the sovereign citizens are alert and combative. We expect our “Maitres” to help us to achieve such social progress, not try to give ownership of national symbols to anybody other than the sovereign people.

Strongmen in Africa: Burkina Faso and Others

                  By Tazoacha Asonganyi 

     

Tazoacha  Asonganyi

Africa is weighed down by regimes of “strongmen.” They are virtually all over the continent, especially in sub-Saharan Africa. They are characterized by the centralization of power in the hands of one man who, alone, decides on the fate of all state institutions and activities. In general, such state institutions are weak, and play all types of games in the interest of the strongman. 

           Strongmen use all types of ruses to maintain their power: they organize regular, cosmetic elections; are the guarantors of the “independence” of the judicial power in the place of the constitution; ensure that judiciaries are prone to using technicalities not substance to judge “political” conflicts; have absolute control over the legislature which exists only to rubber stamp laws they propose to protect their power; proclaim themselves guarantors of “peace and stability”; make corruption a strong weapon of control; and organize periodic  meetings/dialogues/tripartite/consultations with the “opposition.”
          Following the fall of the Berlin wall in 1989, the tensions that developed between the opposition and the strongmen led to the organization of a tripartite conference in Cameroon in 1991 and of an “Inclusive dialogue” followed later by the meeting of the “college of the wise” in Burkina Faso. In Cameroon, although the tripartite recommended 5-year presidential terms, the constitution that was later adopted had article 6(2) which limited presidential terms to 7 years renewable once. In Faso, presidential terms were limited to five years renewable once. This was virtually the same story for most other countries in Africa. However, the strongmen accepted the changes only as a strategy of survival. As their second terms were running out, the articles of the constitutions started being amended from one country to the other, to allow the strongmen to continue to reign in perpetuity.
        When the strongman in Cameroon announced his intention to amend article 6(2) of the constitution, there were popular, uncoordinated uprisings of protest. The strongman turned his repressive machinery full cycle and used a willing army to pound the angry youths to submission. Once there was calm, he hurried the bill to the national assembly and it was voted “overwhelmingly.” And so he is cruising into his third 7-year term, past his 32 years at the helm of the state.

         The Faso strongman was not that lucky because his opposition and civil society are more organized and focused. As he was toying with the effort to effect the change before his second term runs out in 2015, he invited his opposition for consultations for “political reforms,” which failed because the opposition refused to accept any meddling with article 37 which provided for the term limits. The opposition also opposed the creation of a senate which the strongman wanted to put in place and use for his designs. So he started dabbling with the idea of organizing a referendum for the “sovereign people” to decide. When he discovered that the opposition had worked hard to convince the “sovereign people” about the wisdom of their refusal of the change, he turned to bribery and corruption to get the required proportion of parliamentarians who would support the change. What happened on the day parliament had to meet to adopt the bill is now history!
       Following the “independence” of African countries in the ‘60s, constitutionalism was adopted as the form of government for the management of society. The constitutions created institution that were weak and malleable, and reserved overwhelming power to strongmen who would capture the presidency and barricade themselves in it, using all forms of repression. Constitutionalism as the soul of the modern state was fought for and gained with the blood of millions in struggles that spanned centuries. The English Magna Carta of 1215, the American Revolution of 1776, and the French Revolution of 1789, all culminated in constitutionalism and law with enormous sacrifice of human life and effort. Constitutionalism has therefore become a sacred culture of humanity.  There is no doubt that our failure to acknowledge and share in the historical consciousness that constitutionalism represents, is the principal cause of the serious problems constitutionalism is causing to Africa. Strongmen are allowed to prevent the taking of the bold, giant steps that Africa is supposed to take, to emerge from backwardness and international ridicule.
       Africans have to recognize that a double heritage – a dualism - dwells in their breasts: the pre-colonial and post-colonial heritages; the traditional African cultures and the colonial/neocolonial cultures overlaid on it. Who can count the millions of people Africa has also lost to be where it is today: in slavery, in colonialism, in neocolonialism? The two heritages both belong to Africa, as of right. As aptly stated by Franz Fanon, each generation must, out of relative obscurity, discover its mission, fulfill it, or betray it. Some Africans argue for the establishment of “the African way,” usually comprehending it to be a rejection of our colonial/neocolonial heritage. I argue that this is wrong, and that the mission of the African intellectual of this generation is to synthesis the good in our two heritages, and produce working constitutions that represent our own commitment to the ideal of human dignity protected through law; to produce constitutions that end the habit of concentrating state power in one centre, in one man, that manipulates the sovereign people at his whim.
      It is people who incarnate institutions that are usually weak, not the immaterial walls or immaterial texts on pieces of paper that delimit them. The strongman of Cameroon succeeded because parliamentarians and the opposition are weak and powerless. The strongman of Nigeria failed because parliamentarians and the opposition were strong. The Faso strongman failed because the opposition was strong. There will still be many successes and failures of strongmen in Africa, so long as the culture of strongmen continues to endure.    

      The people of Faso should ensure that another strongman does not climb to the ramp to bring back their revolution to square one, because the same weapons that the disgraced strongman used during the last 27 years, will still be available to any other strongman. We need to end the culture of strongmen in Africa, once and for all!