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Friday, May 17, 2013

Cameroon:CDU stalwart who rejected senatorial appointment by Biya faces death threats.


By Christopher Ambe
 The Cameroon Democratic Union (CDU) partisan, Youmou Koupit Adamou -who mustered courage to humiliate President Biya by rejecting his appointment as alternate senator, on Monday May 13, in Yaoundé told reporters that, he has since been facing threats of life from some unnamed individuals, believed to be agents of the Biya regime.

He turned down Biya’s appointment on grounds that he was not consulted before The CDU hierarchy quickly endorsed Mr. Adamou’s decision.
Mr Adamou also disclosed that after rejecting Mr.Biya’s appointment some unknown individuals approached him at home, attempting to bribe him with 25 million Fcfa to reconsider his decision.

Asked who could be the said individuals, the CDU bigwig retorted,“I asked them who they were but they refused to divulge their identities.”

 He said they tried in vain to persuade him accept their huge financial offer.
Mr. Adamou said his bribe-giving visitors claimed that CDU National Chairman, Adamou Ndam Njoya, was already an old man who would soon quit the political scene- and that it was the time he accepted the presidential appointment as a springboard for greater heights

On whether if he could reverse his decision, Koupit said nothing could influence him or his party hierarchy to go back on his vomit despite the death threats he was reportedly receiving

The CDU was one of four political parties that contested last April 14 senatorial elections but did not win even a seat. The NUDP also contested the election and ended up with no seat, but President Biya appointed one of its members as as senator.

President Biya also appointed each senator from the parties of his longtime allies –that is from the MDR of Dakole Daissala and from FSCNC of of Issa Tchiroma, which parties did not qualify to contest the senatorial election.

 Of the 30 senators appointed the majority are members of the ruling CPDM and persons who have been close to President Biya in one way or the other.
(First Published in The Recorder Newspaper,of  Cameroon, May 15,2013)

Cameroon:SW Treasurer-General Decries Low Consumption of Credits

    By Christopher Ambe

   A ridiculously low consumption of state-allocated credits for the SW region for 2013 (as at March31) has been denounced and vote holders challenged to speed up to expenditure, so to enhance development.
   In his address, recently, at 3813 Hotel in Tiko, Mr. Ayuk Peter, Treasurer/Paymaster-General (TPG) for the SW region, revealed that, out of about 7.96 billion Fcfa allocated for the Region, only 52.4 million Fcfa was spent by March 31, giving a consumption rate of 0.74%.
   Mr. Ayuk lamented: “Even though to some significant extent, the reason for the delay in execution could be attributed to the time taken to install the new soft ware for the treatment of expenditure, which was over before the end of February, we are still experiencing, even in a year of heavy reforms in the system that inexplicable inertia amongst vote-holders…
 “Compared to last year when this period we had a general percentage of execution of 4.77%, we can say that, negatively, this time have broken the record with a surprising 0.74%.
   He reminded vote-holders involved in the execution of the budget that, by March 31 every year 25% of the time given to realize projects is already spent.
The TPG said the situation of SW councils in terms consumption of credits given by the State was even more worrying, noting that, out of some 1.8 billion Fcfa allocated for the councils, not even a dime had been used. He appealed to authorizing officers of councils and municipal treasurers to “do everything to speed up the effective use of these credits”
The TPG singled out Buea Council for praise, noting it was the only council that had presented its 2012 management accounts for the paymaster’s visa.
“ The Problematic councils of  kombo Abedimo and Kombo Itindi are still with no management accounts since 2007 for the former and since 2004 for the later .Idabato and Wabane are still to establish a management accounts since 2004 while Konye has not presented its own since 2008 and Tinto since 2007”
Mr. Ayuk also regretted that at least 10 councils failed to produce accounts and reports of the execution of PNDP-funded projects in their municipalities, threatening that “we shall not fold our arms and overlook such criminal negligence”
He urged his colleagues to intensify efforts in “the recovery of outstanding customs and fiscal revenue, which figure stands at 64.07 billion Fcfa.
The TPG announced that recoveries mission would soon be re-launched.
    For his part,Mr.Felix Lema,who represented the Director-General of Treasury, Monetary and Financial Cooperation, handed down directives to the accountants intended to improve performance and transparency.Mr Lema called on the accountants to respect strictly  regulations in force and accounting principles in the discharge of their duties.
     The SDO for Fako,Zang III,who sat in for SW Governor Okalia Bilai,opened the meeting with a call for the accountants  to be more vigorous,vigilant,devoted and efficient- so that the new reforms should produce the expected results.
     Earlier in his welcome address, the Mayor of Tiko, Richard Tita Fombon, remarked that accountants are custodians of state funds.
    The Sub-treasurer for Tiko, Emmanuel Mbome Motomby was, generally credited for the successful organization of the quarterly coordination meeting, which held last April 26 
(First published In The Recorder Newspaper,of Cameroon,May 15,2013)

Cameroon:National Assembly More Powerful Than Senate

By Akoson A. Raymond*

Akoson Raymond
Ever since President Biya convened the Electoral College for April 14, 2013 Senatorial election, I have listened to journalists, politicians and Cameroonians of other walks of life make embarrassing pronouncements that could misinform the young on issues peculiar to the mother of all other institutions of Cameroon - Parliament. I therefore feel an irresistible urge to make clarifications in this regard. For better comprehension, I'd use Frequently Asked Questions (FAQ) format in providing the answers

1. Has Senate solved the problem of transition in Cameroon in case of presidential vacancy?

First, in case of vacancy at the Presidency of the Republic, the next in command is ONLY interim whose sole responsibility is to organize elections without the organizer being a candidate for the election.
Second, Cameroon never before had issues with transition as most politicians would want you to believe. The super-eminent law (the constitution) of the land has 'Final and Transitional Provisions' which provide in article 67 (3) that the National Assembly shall exercise full legislative power and enjoy full parliamentary prerogatives until the senate is set up. That is, the president of the National Assembly becomes INTERIM president in the absence of the Senate. This hierarchical order is as clear as day.

2. What is the Difference between National Assembly and Senate?

This is the most common mistake. It's a problem of nomenclature. Article 14 (1) of the constitution states that legislative power shall be exercised by Parliament which shall comprise two houses: (a) the National Assembly; (b) the Senate. This means that members of the National Assembly and Senate are all Parliamentarians. You can differentiate them by stating -- member of the National Assembly, member of the Senate (or senator). One could even refer to the just concluded election as parliamentary or legislative election -- to be more precise in this case, Senatorial election.

3. Senate is Upper House while the National Assembly is Lower House?

NO. The constitution doesn't even remotely state any such thing. Therefore, words like 'Upper House' and 'Lower House' are the figment of the imagination of  individuals and grossly misleading. Let's be careful to not confuse ourselves with what happens in other countries. Some even go as far as insinuating that the Senate is more powerful than the National Assembly. That's not true ... rather, the reverse is true.  The facts below will clarify your doubts:

A. Members of the National Assembly are elected through direct universal suffrage with none appointed. This means that the house is more democratic -- it has the direct mandate of the people and better represents their will. Also, they have commanding numerical power of 180 members, a fortiori, more sociologically sensitive. The election of senators is indirect suffrage – voted by councilors, thus no direct trust of the people. It is therefore less democratic as it is worsened by appointment of 30% of its members. The number of senators is 100. Please read articles 15 (1) and 20 (2) of the constitution].

B. Each member of the National Assembly represents the entire nation as provided for by Article 15 (2). A senator, on the other hand, represents just the local and regional authorities.

C. The Senate cannot function without the National Asembly but the reverse is true because bills get into Parliament through, first, the National Assembly for deliberations before the adopted bill is sent to the Senate for simple or absolute majority 'fine tuning' -- an action whose corresponding reaction from the National Assembly could make the existence of the senate useless. How? Article 19 (2) of Cameroon's constitution provides that bills submitted to the National Assembly by the Senate shall either be passed or rejected in accordance with article 30 of the constitution:
- In the event where a National Assembly adopted bill is amended (adjusted) by simple majority of Senators and resent to the National Assembly for reconsideration, a corresponding simple majority vote by members of the National Assembly would REJECT Senate's amendment(s);

- Where a Senate's absolute majority vote rejects part or all of a National Assembly adopted bill, a corresponding absolute National Assembly vote would nose-thumb Senate's rejection.

- Adopted bill from parliament leaves the desk of the president of the National Assembly to the president of the republic for enactment. (Read the  entire article 30 of the constitution).


- Where the president of the republic fails to sign an adopted bill to become law after 15 days without he (the President of the republic) asking for a second reading, the constitution gives powers to the President of the National Assembly the full right to himself enact the law as article 31 of the constitution so provides.

Notice that, in the above cases, the will of the National Assembly triumphs over the will of the Senate, the lone condition being a corresponding percentage of votes cast. And that Senate can only have work to do when the National Assembly deliberates on a bill and adopts it.

D. Senate effectively side steps a huge segment of the youth. At 23, one is eligible age-wise to become a member of the National Assembly. Conversely, one must have turned 40 to become a senator. It is important to note that the youth, in every democracy have greater stakes than the aged people  and, are of course, more mentally productive as a 2011 research at the School of Gerentology, Southern California University buttresses -- that cognitive ability depreciates with age. Morseo, setting the age floor for senators at 40 grossly violates international law: the African Youth Charter, which was adopted by the 7th session of the assembly of heads of states and governments of the AU, a charter that Cameroon, under the Biya regime has duly ratified obliges signatories to involve youths in the participation of parliamentary discourse. The same charter defines a youth as someone between the ages of 15 and 35 inclusive. Please see section 165 of Law No. 2012/001 of April 19, 2012 Relating to the Electoral Code and article 20(3) of the constitution.
The Senate has therefore only come as a formality institution Mr. Biya hopes to use to pay off CPDM loyalists.. Who suffers? Tax payers, of course.

* Akoson A. Raymond, is PAP Aspirant for National Assembly-Upper Bayang & Mamfe Central
 (First Published in The Recorder Newspaper,Cameroon,of May 15,2013)

Cameroon:Litumbe’s reaction to admission by renowned historians that Cameroon’s “Reunification” is illegal.


      According to a report tilted “Historians and Constitutionalists Panel Say Reunification Was Illegal” published online t by Sylvanus Ezieh, (CJ) on April 5, 2013, historians and constitutionalists assembled in Yaounde for a conference-debate on the theme “The case of Cameroon at the UNO,” organized by the commission in charge of studies, conferences and debates for the celebration of fifty years of reunification of Cameroon. The close to 800 participants included Julius Victor Ngoh, eminent Professor of History, University of Buea, and Ondoua Magloire, seasoned Professor of Public Law and Constitutional Specialist.   
      The esteemed panelists importantly declared at the end of their deliberations that,no legal documents were established at the time of re-unification between the two Cameroons to bind them in a union.
     This is a position that the LDA has championed for decades and is published in a bilingual booklet titled The Annexation of the former British Administered UN Trust Territory of Southern Cameroons.
   2(a) The panelists, however, failed in their attempts to provide legal or constitutional underpinnings for the discussions held in Foumbam in July 1961 between British Southern Cameroons and La Republique du Cameroun, led respectively by Premier John Ngu Foncha, and President Amadou Ahidjo.
(b) The fact of the matter, however, is that as from October 1, 1960 when Nigeria attained independence and Her Majesty’s Government in Britain could no longer administer the UN trust territory of Southern Cameroons from Nigeria, Her Majesty’s Government had laid before the British Parliament on 12 Sept 1960 a new Constitution for Southern Cameroons which came into force on 1 Oct 1960. It was known as The Southern Cameroons (Constitution) Order in Council, 1960, which created a ministerial Government in Southern Cameroons with a Commissioner for Cameroons who inherited the powers that were hitherto vested on the Governor-General of Nigeria. That Constitution provided for two Houses of Parliament, an independent Judiciary, but invested the Commissioner with wide powers over the territory. It is clearly stated within that constitution that powers over Defence, Foreign Relations, and Taxation were outside the competence of the Southern Cameroons Government, and accordingly outside the duties of the Premier and any other member of his Government. Premier Foncha who led the delegation from British Southern Cameroons, did so outside his constitutional powers. Therefore, the Foumban conference was illegally constituted and all discussions, proposals, decisions and expectations lacked constitutional authority. President Ahidjo and his delegation, on the other hand, were empowered by the constitution of La Republique du Cameroun to represent their State.
  Irrefutably, this glaring asymmetry at the Foumban conference renders all of its deliberations nonbinding on the unequal partner, British Southern Cameroons.
    3. La Republique du Cameroon graduated to independence on 1 Jan. 1960 with internationally defined borders. In order to belong to the comity of free nations of the world, it applied and was admitted a member of the United Nations Organization on 20th Sept 1960. Upon being admitted into that UN club, it became bound to comply with the provisions of the Charter of the UN. It is that Charter which provides in Art 102, the statutory steps that any member state of the UN must comply with if it desires to join another territory. There has to be a written Agreement with the territory the UN member state wishes to join, resulting in the variation of its territorial boundaries filed at the UN Secretariat at the time it applied for membership.
    4. The UN General Assembly in reviewing the results of the 11 Feb. 1961 plebiscite in Southern Cameroons advised strongly in Res. 1608(XV) of 21 Apr. 1961 thus:
“(5). Invites the Administering Authority, the Government of the Southern Cameroons and the Republic of Cameroun to initiate URGENT discussions with a view to finalizing, before 1 October 1961, the arrangements by which the agreed and declared policies of the parties concerned will be implemented.”
    5. Had such a tripartite meeting been held, setting out the agreed terms of joining as previously declared by President Amadou Ahidjo at the United Nations that if Southern Cameroonians voted to join La Republique du Cameroun, because of the differences in cultural evolution of the two parties, the terms would be the creation of a Federation of TWO states, equal in status, and a copy of the signed Agreement deposited at the UN Secretariat, that would have constituted a valid Union. I therefore respectfully agree that indeed, there has been no valid union between Southern Cameroons and La Republique du Cameroun. At best, the two parties are merely living in a state of political co-habitation and certainly not of political wedlock.
    6. The very learned Professor Ondoua Magloire is reported to have stated that because La Republique du Cameroun was a sovereign state, it could not enter into a Treaty with Southern Cameroons which was not an independent state.
 But all the UN requires in Art. 102 of the Charter is a written Agreement setting out the terms of union between the parties. As the learned Professor would readily concede, an individual in Cameroun can enter into an enforceable contract with the state of Cameroun. Southern Cameroons had a legally constituted ministerial Government as from 1st October, 1960. This was acknowledged by the UN in Res. 1608(XV) of 21 Apr 1961 mentioned in para. 4 above. The allegation that it was a question of “an elder brother opening his hands to admit a younger brother” is a modicum of fiction.
Southern Cameroons was a territory entitled to independence in its own right, by virtue of the Universal Declaration of Independence to all colonized or trust territories as per UN General Assembly Res. 1514 of 14 December 1960. This Resolution was completed the very next day by Res. 1541(XV) which introduced the concept of independence by joining - a power-sharing arrangement between a non-self-governing territory and a member state of the UN (as LRC then was). In that event, joining could only be either by Association or by Integration, and the Resolution states the terms of joining in either category. La Republique du Cameroun has failed even to respect the terms of this joining Resolution over a period exceeding half a century.
   7. Professor Ondua Magloire is reported to have concluded that: “we should not celebrate 50 years of re-unification; rather we should celebrate 50 years of the birth of a state.”
In effect, the learned Professor is saying that the present state of La Republique du Cameroun was born on 1st Oct 1961 by the union of La Republique du Cameroun which gained independence on 1 Jan. 1960, with Southern Cameroons. He offers no explanation as to how this union was achieved, but his algebra makes no sense at all. How does he explain that to the sovereign state of La Republique du Cameroun which gained independence on 1 Jan 1960 (x), there was added the UN trust territory of Southern Cameroons (y) on 1st October 1961, and the sum total is still (x). Algebraically expressed, his equation is: x + y = x, meaning that y (representing Southern Cameroons) is or was not an entity.
   8. What is even more worrying is that Alhadji Amadou Ahidjo, upon returning to his capital city after the abortive Foumban conference, summoned his parliament of La Republique du Cameroun in August 1961 to pass Law No. 24/61 which changed the name of his country to La Republique Federale du Cameroun, fixing the date of 1st Oct 1961 when that law was to come into force. That law was promulgated by him on 1 Sept 1961, at a time when Southern Cameroons was still a UN trust territory, firmly under British colonial administration and in no position to discuss its future, let alone participating in drawing up or approving a federal constitution with La Republique du Cameroun. This miracle performed by La Republique du Cameroun in constituting itself into a federation, without the collaborative union with another external entity, can only be likened to a person who appears before a Civil Status Registrar with the request that the Registrar should perform the ceremony of declaring the applicant as married to a non-person. The naming of Southern Cameroons as the state of West Cameroon in Law No. 24/61 is irrelevant, for Southern Cameroons was not a party to the Constitution that was being amended by the Parliament of La Republique du Cameroun.
    9. The net result is that Great Britain, on the termination of its trust administration over Southern Cameroons at midnight on 30 Sept 1961, failed to hand over the Instruments of Power to the functional Southern Cameroons ministerial government, as it was required to do pursuant to UN General Assembly Res. 1514(XV), para. 5, but would appear, quite erroneously, to have surrendered power to La Republique du Cameroun. As pointed out earlier, the Federation into which both La Republique du Cameroun and independent Southern Cameroons were to form as equal partners was never formed. Pathetically, therefore, Southern Cameroons never attained independence, never legally joined La Republique du Cameroun which merely replaced Great Britain in exercising a colonial administration over the People of Southern Cameroons to this day. This embarrassing and humiliating situation has been perpetuated in circumstances where colonialism has long since been proscribed by the United Nations in Res. 1514(XV) of 14 Dec. 1960 in the following terms:
“(1). The subjection of peoples to alien subjugation, domination and exploitation constitutes a denial of fundamental human rights, is contrary to the Charter of the United Nations and is an impediment to the promotion of world peace and co-operation.
(2). All peoples have the right to self-determination; by virtue of that right they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development.
(3). Inadequacy of political economic, social or educational preparedness should never serve as a pretext for delaying independence.”
10. It would appear some very learned Cameroonians who have admitted that there has been no legal union between La Republique du Cameroun with Southern Cameroons lack the moral courage to advise the Government of La Republique du Cameroun appropriately, so as to protect their self-interests.
Despite the brotherly intentions the two parties viz. La Republique du Cameroun and the People of Southern Cameroons, should return to the drawing board and make every effort to strike a mutually acceptable Agreement, file a copy at the UN Secretariat pursuant to UN Charter Art. 102 and UN General Assembly Res. 1541(XV) but, if the centre can no longer hold, the parties should, peacefully, go their separate ways.
 *Mola Njoh Litumbe,86,Senior Citizen,is Cameroon's Doyen of Chartered Accountants.He is currently Chairman of Liberal Democratic Alliance(LDA),a political party. But Mola Litumbe is known more as minority rights leader, championing the cause of the Independence of Southern Cameroons.

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